Episode 401: 14th Amendment In Play, Oath Breaking, Fallacy of Equality

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Last week I hit the nail on the head with the left putting the 14^th Amendment in play. With that, we know that all who agree with this are Oath Breaking. Lastly, this week I nail it again with the fallacy of equality in the call by a communist House Member wanting $14 Trillion for Black Reparations.

Just to let you know, I don’t have a lot of time to write more detail in this weeks posting. So you are going to have to read the references and listen or watch the program for the in depth commentary on these topics.

Oath Breaking

I discuss the article referenced below written by MG Paul Vallely and I followup with Letter Of William Williams in The American Mercury, (Number 88), MONDAY, FEBRUARY 11TH, 1788. This can be found on page 212 of Essays On The Constitution of The United States.

Fallacy of Equality

I want to thank my friend Koty Arnold for the quote that got me interested in following up on Willmoore Kendall. Here it is:

Willmoore Kendall on Christianity, virtue, and the foundation of the American republic.

“What is to keep the virtuous people virtuous? The question is as old as Greek philosophy, and Greek philosophy offered, on one level at least, the decisive answer: The people will be virtuous only to the extent that the souls of its individual components are rightly ordered, and the right ordering of souls is the business of education. That would call, in the language of the Massachusetts Body of Liberties, for education capable of ordering individual souls in accordance with the principles of humanity, civility, and Christianity; and education appropriate to the maintenance of the virtue of the people cries up at us as a further problem that wants critical clarification.”

“When the public orthodoxy is guaranteed by transcendence, by the Word of God, then the truths of the soul and of society, the first principles of the politeia and of metaphysics (that is, the very being of both) are theoretically guaranteed. Beyond this guarantee, which can be had only as a gift and as a blessing, there is no other for any human society born upon this earth.”

—Willmoore Kendall, “The Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition” and “Cicero and the Politics of Public Orthodoxy.”

Sam Adams Wisdom

The following is a partial quote from Sam’s letter as Governor after Hancock died.

TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

JANUARY 17, 1794.

…

‘…All powers not vested in Congress, remain in the separate States to be exercised according to their respective Constitutions.—Should not unremitting caution be used, least any degree of interference or infringement might take place, either on the rights of the Federal Government on the one side, or those of the several States on the other. Instances of this kind may happen; for infallibility is not the lot of any man or body of men, even the best of them on earth. The human mind in its present state, being very imperfect, is liable to a multitude of errors. Prejudice, that great source of error, often creeps in and takes possession of the hearts of honest men, without even their perceiving it themselves. Honest men will not feel themselves disgusted, when mistakes are pointed out to them with decency, candor and friendship, nor will they, when convinced of truth, think their own dignity degraded by correcting their own errors. Among the objects of the Constitution of this Commonwealth, Liberty and Equality stand in a conspicuous light. It is the first article in our Declaration of rights, “all men are born free and equal, and have certain natural, essential and unalienable rights.” In the supposed state of nature, all men are equally bound by the laws of nature, or to speak more properly, the laws of the Creator:—They are imprinted by the finger of God on the heart of man. Thou shall do no injury to thy neighbour, is the voice of nature and reason, and it is confirmed by written revelation. In the state of nature, every man hath an equal right by honest means to acquire property, and to enjoy it; in general, to pursue his own happiness, and none can consistently controul or interrupt him in the pursuit. But, so turbulent are the passions of some, and so selfish the feelings of others, that in such a state, there being no social compact, the weak cannot always be protected from the violence of the strong, nor the honest and unsuspecting from the arts and intrigues of the selfish and cunning. Hence it is easy to conceive, that men, naturally formed for society, were inclined to enter into mutual compact for the better security of their natural rights. In this state of society, the unalienable rights of nature are held sacred:—And each member is intitled to an equal share of all the social rights. No man can of right become possessed of a greater share: If any one usurps it, he so far becomes a tyrant; and when he can obtain sufficient strength, the people will feel the rod of a tyrant. Or, if this exclusive privilege can be supposed to be held in virtue of compact, it argues a very capital defect; and the people, when more enlightened, will alter their compact, and extinguish the very idea.’

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